On August 28, 1991, on the evening of the closing of the National Sovereign Conference, Togolese democrats began to dream of a brighter future and of regained dignity after 24 years of an Eyadema regime hated by its people. 1/
The mood is optimistic when Joseph Kokou Koffigoh, elected late the previous night, forms his government of forty-somethings. Only Kwassi Kpetigo, 52, is an exception to the wind of rejuvenation blowing through political life. 2/
At the HCR, also a transitional legislative body, the opposition has a free hand for the first time. All the heavyweights of Togolese politics are represented there: 3/
Mr. Agboyibor, Edem Kodjo and even, curiously, Yao Komlanvi, Eyadema's outgoing Minister of the Interior, the man of receipts, to whom opponents nevertheless recognize his courage and frankness. 4/
From the moment it was established in September 1991, it was the UNHCR whose role and functioning would attract the most bitter criticism, sometimes justified. The Prime Minister, for his part, began his short-lived term with his feet to the floor. 5/
On the agenda: international visits to Ghana (whose border has been closed since the terrorist attack in 1986), Burkina Faso, Senegal, Benin, and the relaunch of cooperation with Israel, Germany, Canada, and the USA. 6/
On October 14, a strong symbol of the new wind, the New March, regains its old name, namely Togo Presse. 7/
Yet there are still some unknowns hanging over this rather satisfactory picture. Months of crisis have emptied the state coffers, but above all, everyone's eyes are on the great helmsman, the former enlightened guide Eyadema. How will he deal with the new situation? 8/
If he remains silent until then, his toy, the FAT, will take 4 weeks to shed some light on his real intentions. 9/
On October 1, 1991, the first coup de force against the transition! A small commando of soldiers stormed the national radio and television station to demand the cancellation of the unpromulgated acts of the CNS and the dissolution of the HCR! 10/
He finally evacuated the premises on the orders of Eyadema himself after having left 4 dead and around fifty wounded among the Ekpémogs who came promptly to retake the premises from them. 11/
October 8th will see a much more audacious action by the FAT. The PM, Minister of Defense, narrowly escapes an attempted kidnapping by elements said to be uncontrolled who search all the rooms of the Hotel 2 Février, his temporary accommodation, without finding him. 12/
In response, the Ekpémogs landed at the homes of RPT regime dignitaries and ransacked their homes. Blood flowed again: 3 dead and 15 injured. 13/
Each time, the president plays the game of condemnation, calls the troops to order without ever deciding on sanctions. There is no doubt about the identity of the person to whom the FAT obey. 14/
In this context of extreme tension, the political climate is becoming increasingly tense. Doubts are emerging. Among those disappointed that the CNS did not go so far as to dismiss Eyadema outright, 15/
and those suspicious of the game of politicians, the poison of division has crept in among yesterday's opponents now in power. Koffigoh is very early accused of no longer listening to his comrades in struggle and of giving in to the sirens of the cult of personality. 16/
He is accused of supporting marches and publishing gadgets bearing his image. Jealousy of the defeated members of the Fazao hall, a real deviation? 17/
Yesterday's allies do not hesitate to set up groups with the aim of monitoring the implementation of the CNS roadmap. 18/
Aidam and Amorin quickly created the Vigilance Committee for Democracy (CVD) on the grounds of putting in place "safeguards". 19/
"We are here to follow God's path... We must monitor every day... We will take care of the city's actors... An educational work of sorts" declares Amorin. 20/
Barely brought to the baptismal font that the CVD is followed by a CCRD (Consolidation Committee for the Defense of Democratic Renewal) created by Nicolas Lawson: 21/
"The CCRD wants to be a sentinel of the city and not a censor of the HCR... We must at all costs ensure that what the CNS has defined is applied..." 22/
The Prime Minister and the UNHCR are therefore under fire from observers of all kinds of political life. They are being criticized at every turn for the delay in setting up the constitutional commission (which took place on October 14), 23/
the disorder at a HCR whose members are allegedly overpaid (monthly allowance 300,000 FCFA) for results deemed meager, the absence of strong economic measures to restart the machine etc. 24/
In the background, the lack of communication from the transition institutions is being singled out. In a country hit hard by the crisis, prey to doubt, transparency about their activities could not be avoided. 25/
The poorly prepared, poorly managed, and chaotic national conference, which met without the FAT and the PR, has now left a bitter taste in the mouths of many Togolese. 26/
It was in this tense context that the question of the dissolution of the RPT, the presidential party, was put back on the table on November 26, 1991. You will remember that the question could not be resolved by the CNS, which had become entangled in it. 27/
The party returned to the news three weeks earlier through a statement by Gachin Mivédor written by Koffi Panou. This was the beginning of a standoff that revealed the full extent of the former regime's destructive power. 28/
On November 14, the RPT, with its receipt of May 27, 1991, rightly considering itself legal and recognized, informed the Minister of Territorial Administration of the holding of its congress on November 23 and 24. 29/
The government and the UNHCR have a different interpretation: the RPT has not completed the formalities to comply with the new charter for political parties. However, the RPT does have representatives at the UNHCR. 30/
While the question of holding this congress in this tense context is legitimate, it must be acknowledged that the maneuver makes sense. Yesterday's opponents find themselves facing a historic challenge. Will they choose censorship or the game of democracy they claim to play? 31/
The congress finally took place, covered by the official press despite the firm instructions of the Minister of Communication to the contrary. 32/
Koumaï Bang'na, editor-in-chief of Togo Presse, even reportedly hung up on the minister who demanded an explanation for his disobedience. Atmosphere... 33/
We barely have time to get upset before the situation seriously deteriorates. On November 27, the UNHCR confirms its dangerous decision to dissolve the RPT. That same evening, Koffigoh returns from Paris where he attended the Francophonie summit for 10 days (!). 34/
Lomé immediately bursts into flames. Barricades, burning tires, inter-ethnic clashes in the Adewui and Bè neighborhoods. Six people have already been killed and around fifty injured. 35/
The next morning at dawn, at the time of the morning news, the people of Lomé are shocked. The FAT repeat the coup of October 1st. They seize Radio Lomé, a new coup attempt in progress. 36/
They are going all out and being insulting: closing the borders, dissolving the "Haut des Cons de la République" (HCR), re-establishing the Constitution of the 109 (never promulgated in the end), calling on Eyadema to appoint "a strong and capable man" etc. 37/
Judging by the level of language used, the texts proofread with syntax errors, the belligerent tone, the one who is being looked at is General Améyi. Is the PR in cahoots with him or did Améyi take this initiative without informing him? 38/
The soldiers toughened their tone at midday, proving that they were having difficulty obtaining satisfaction or that Eyadema was hesitant to come out of the woods. In any case, he returned from Pya where he was resting around 11 a.m. 39/
On Friday, November 29, the tone rose again, the FAT summoned the "five French" from the HCR (including Tavio Amorin and Claude Améganvi) and Mgr Kpodzro to their headquarters at the customs office and ordered Koffigoh to leave the Palais du Renouveau to join them there.40/
"In case of escape or refuge anywhere, everyone will suffer the same fate." Apart from that, these are the same demands that we hear in the various news flashes. So nothing has changed since yesterday. 41/
The situation has already cost the lives of 20 people, including 8 or 9 children shot dead in front of the Coin Chaud bakery (on Duisbourg Avenue, not far from the crossroads between Bld Circulaire and the said avenue. 42/
At the end of the afternoon, the rumor spreads in Lomé, Eyadéma will reinstate Koffigoh in his functions (in defiance of act n°7 of the CNS which does not allow him to do so even if he wanted to). 43/
The putschists also began to demand on the radio that Koffigoh be appointed by presidential decree or that Eyadéma announce it on national television. The second demand was that members of the HCR be excluded from the next government. 44/
The military's insistence on Koffigoh's reappointment while venting spleen over the ongoing transition lends even more weight to speculation about a secret pact between Koffigoh and Eyadéma. 45/
Saturday, November 30 will bring this first episode to a close when Eyadema, in a statement, renews his confidence in Koffigoh and instructs him to form a government of national unity and reiterates his "request" for the troops to return to the barracks. 46/
Note that he does not give orders, as his status as supreme commander of the armed forces allows. The putschists are quick to thank him but make it known that their demand to dissolve the UNHCR has still not been met. 47/
In any case, they left the radio after the announcement of a curfew starting at 6 p.m. The Prime Minister, as the UNHCR had done during the October events, referred to the 1963 military cooperation agreements and asked France to intervene. 48/
So, there was a lull over the weekend, and the curfew was shortened on Sunday, December 1, 1991. A return to normal was expected on Monday. However, that morning, nothing was as usual. The hotels were emptying, and soldiers were guarding the CASEF. 49/
Finally, they occupy the radio station again. We are back where we were on Friday. None of their demands have been met, they say, yet they limit themselves to spouting their endless threats instead of increasing them to put pressure on. 50/
Something is definitely not right in this case. The situation is so worrying that Bruno Delaye, the French ambassador to Togo, requests the mobilization of 35 of the 300 French soldiers stationed in neighboring Benin. He ultimately obtains 10. 51/
Dialogue between the two heads of the executive branch has broken down. The president remains suspiciously silent, while Koffigoh, seemingly unaware of the threats weighing on him, oscillates between misplaced pride and disdain. 52/
Tuesday, December 3, 1991, the simmering putsch is in its seventh day. The sky is gray and heavy, reflecting the growing uncertainty. The people of Lomé are roused from their sleep by the din of gunfire that breaks out at 6:22 a.m. 53/
It quickly became clear that the shooting was taking place at the Palais du Renouveau, the seat of the Prime Minister's office. It was an assault by the putschists to seize the Prime Minister. Several gunshots, including heavy weapons, were heard. 54/
No news on the radio, which broadcasts the same announcements as the day before. It is only at 9:10 a.m. that the fog begins to dissipate. The soldiers confess: "We have decided to take the PM... He is safely in the hands of the FAT." 55/
At 10:41 a.m., Eyadéma finally breaks his silence to condemn the morning's acts of violence. In the evening, local television announces speeches by the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic. 56/
Koffigoh, his face ravaged, visibly shaken, declared in substance during his speech: "Dear brothers and sisters, ... in order to stop the bloodbath, I decided to surrender... I was taken to the residence of the Head of State in Lomé II where he joined me later. 57/
I see immense suffering looming on the horizon for our people if we definitively enter into the logic of war (...) At present, all the organs of the transition are paralyzed, the institutions no longer function. 58/
The members of the HCR are nowhere to be found. Republican legality is on hold. Consequently, under Article 68 of the Constitutional Law [Act No. 7], 59/
I decide to form a provisional government... Coolness, calm, condolences... Long live the Democratic Renewal. Long live Togo." 60/
Eyadéma will call for calm in an even shorter speech: "... very serious crisis... deaths... condolences (...) The PM sets up a provisional government of national unity... 61/