On July 16, 1991, the Togolese learned that, unilaterally freeing itself from the June 12 agreements, the National Conference had proclaimed itself sovereign. A new standoff then began, but work continued in the Fazao room.
We left the CNS at the end of July 1991, in the throes of demobilization and grappling with several questions: what power for the CNS? What to do with Eyadema? What is the ideal profile for the Prime Minister? On what text will the upcoming transition be based? 2/
These questions are on everyone's mind, but the urgent matter of the moment is the start of the school year. It is scheduled for August 5th in an uncertain context: the teaching staff has been on strike for several weeks. It is up to the conference to address the issue, and quickly. 3/
The diagnosis of the situation is unequivocal: "overstaffing, chronic lack of trained personnel, premises and teaching equipment, disastrous working conditions, tribalization and politicization of the UB, poor distribution of scholarships." 4/
In order to get back on track, the conference is putting its schedule in order. Mornings are reserved for committee work and afternoons for plenary sessions. 5/
For the time being, nine commissions are at work: the six initially planned, the two created by Act No. 3 and the "Education-Back to School" commission which has just been created. 6/
It is from the latter's hand that Act No. 4 will come out on August 2nd, which will be debated during the afternoon plenary session. Let's be honest, the text presented, after a bomb alert that will lead to a 75-minute interruption of the session, does not arouse passions 7/
as it underlines the lack of real power of the CNS to enforce its decisions. In short, the text recognizes the legitimacy of the teachers' demands but the debates clearly confirm the inability of the conference to commit public finances. 8/
Teachers are heard but must resume classes out of patriotism without any guarantees or clear timetable. 9/
On Saturday, August 3, Tavio Amorin, the main brain behind the 1992 constitution, spoke before a sparsely attended assembly to lay the foundations for the new Togo according to his vision: revitalization of the rural world, restructuring of the army into three branches. 10/
The day will see Act No. 4 finally adopted. After two months of strikes, teaching will resume in exchange for the hypothetical promise of a general meeting on education to be organized by the transitional government. 11/
L'ambiance est-elle pour autant sereine ? Assurément pas. Deux questions cristallisent les tensions de l'opinion nationale. 12/
First, the conference has lasted (too long?) for almost a month, with a definite impact on an economy already damaged by the social and political unrest at the beginning of the year. 13/
And above all, the absence of the army makes one fear the worst. The Great Mute has never lived up to its name so well. It has been absent since July 15, at the same time as the departure of the government, which returned a few days later, certainly on the orders of Eyadema himself. 14/
If the president was able to order the government to return to the CNS, how could the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces not make his army bend? Political calculation? Or is the army driven by its own interests and no longer obeys its leader? 15/
On this August 5th, with the question of the start of the school year behind it, the conference continues to hear presentations. Diplomacy, human rights violations, national languages, and Sylvanus Olympio, of whom JL Savi de Tové paints a more than complimentary portrait, are discussed. 16/
before Edem Kodjo took the floor to spend an hour presenting his career within the RPT apparatus before outlining the political project of the UTD, his newly created party. 17/
The next day, the economy is the star of the day. The complexity of the mechanisms and the lack of figures will make the debate difficult for laymen, but we agree on one point: the public debt is abysmal. 18/
Then the floor is given to three heavyweights of the emerging opposition. 19/
Mr. Agboyibo will recall the struggle of the last few months and confirm that the CAR he chairs advocates short mandates in the context of the transition and a "neutral" prime minister (remember the expression, it is important for what comes next). 20/
He concluded with one of his secret sayings: "The caiman does not die young. Every democrat is of the caiman's lineage." 21/
Following her, Zarifou Ayeva adopted a less conciliatory tone, denouncing the total bankruptcy of the Togolese economy and inveighing against one after the other the former and current ministers of the Third Republic. 22/
L. Gnininvi for the CDPA will associate the Eyadema regime 3 times with the word "crime". He will then present his party's proposals for the future: a transition of 12 months maximum, creation of a Court of Auditors, an army at the service of the people and strict economic management. 23/
On August 7, a mysterious letter from the FAT made headlines. A silent minority asked the Togolese people for forgiveness in this letter and indicated that they had acted under the orders of Generals Mawulikpim Ameyi and Abbas Bonfoh. 24/
It was then that Toyi Assih would shed rare light on the issue of human rights: the abuses in Kabyè country, even within the Evala, where the majority of FAT members are recruited. 25/
The Togolese suddenly realize that their suffering under Eyadema's regime is common regardless of their ethnicity. The room applauds this intervention profusely. 26/
Claude Ameganvi's turn to appeal to the audience's emotions. In his presentation, he relates that Eyadema assassinated St. Olympio with the complicity of Jacques Foccart (the "Mr. Africa" of several French presidents) 27/
and that he received 300,000 FCFA for this assassination (these comments were made by Eyadema himself to Time magazine before retracting, since then denying this version of events entirely). 28/
He recommends that the PR be dismissed outright and judged with all of his colleagues. The room observes an awkward silence... 29/
When the FAT were implicated by the CNDH, which reported atrocities in Mandouri, Agombiyo, and the Bè lagoon, the testimony of the AMD (the association of democratic soldiers), which confirmed these facts, seemed to indicate a growing discord within the army. 30/
It is not surprising that General Améyi issued a new statement on August 9. 31/
The President General continues to blow hot and cold. He promulgates Act No. 4 two days earlier and attacks the famous Act No. 1 again by letter. 32/
However, he had received Bishop Kpodzro and Mr. Kétéhouli the day before during a tense meeting where he expressed concern about the length of the conference but also and above all about the personal attacks against him and his supposed fortune. 33/
The prelate retorted that the people needed to get it off their chests so that true reconciliation could be possible. 34/
On this August 10th, the Nouvelle Marche headlined "The week of accelerations?" Not so sure. The CNS took care to extend its work to August 24th by act no. 5. Six of the commissions, however, claim to have completed their work. 35/
In truth, it is the conclusions of the constitutional commission that everyone is waiting for. 36/
On August 13 and 14, the CNS observed a break followed by the Assumption on August 15, the plenary sessions were scheduled to resume the following day. In reality, they will not resume until August 17 as some commissions are late in finalizing their reports. 37/
So on Saturday the 17th, barely had Bishop Kpodzro opened the news briefing when Tavio Amorin dropped a real bombshell that would risk blowing everything apart. 38/
It was learned that the prelate and his two vice-presidents, Koffigoh and Kétéhouli, had gone to Lomé II the previous afternoon. The CNS was not aware of the process. 39/
Worse, Bishop Kpodzro said nothing about it at the opening of the session. This is enough to increase the suspicion that they went to present the constitutional bill to Eyadema in order to settle with him. 40/
The prelate explained that he had gone to report on the progress of the work and reiterated his invitation for Eyadema to come and attend the work. This was not enough to put an end to the controversy. 41/
Claude Améganvi, particularly virulent, accused the presidium of undermining sovereignty through this approach. Name-calling and threats were hurled. Bishop Kpodzro, visibly disgusted, suspended the session. 42/
The presidium proposes a vote of confidence to close the incident. The support is overwhelming. It is 6:28 p.m. The CNS is narrowly saved from itself. 43/
One by one, the committees and subcommittees begin to read their reports to the assembly. 44/
Note the status of Commission 6 on the FAT, a veritable Praetorian Guard resulting from an “ethnic specialization”, oversized but poorly supervised with nearly 14,000 men and only 237 officers (where 700 are needed), 45/
Eyadema's personal toy, which costs the state budget 14 billion CFA francs. The debates are lively around current issues, state-owned companies, Togolese industry, embezzlement, etc. 46/
On Thursday, August 22, we finally reached our goal. The report of Commission 1, which was supposed to lead to the long-awaited Act 7, was on the delegates' table for discussion. 47/
The form of the executive is being debated, a two-headed system seems to be emerging, how long will the transition last? What powers will the future prime minister have? Etc. We are still worried, will Eyadema agree to come and complete the work? 48/
The atmosphere is tense the next morning with all the questions still unanswered. The FAT will come to add their two cents in the early afternoon. They make one of those declarations of which they have the secret. 49/
The process and rhetoric are now well known: denunciation of the process and threats. 50/
If the FAT threats are made in the future, Bishop Kpodzro will report to the assembly much more immediate threats. 51/
These are letters received informing the presidium of disturbances organized by the FAT on August 26 aimed at assassinating soldiers sympathizing with the opposition, involving 100 armed men under the direction of Colonel Djoua assisted by a French mercenary named Pontieux.52
The room is electrified and sings even louder "Fofo si nusen le". Testimony of Bishop Kpodzro from minute 22 of this video about incident 53/
The final warning shot was delivered by Mr. Occansey, with his now-famous agitation. He specifically accused three ministers present in the room of being involved in this plot and claimed to have proof. 54/
These are ministers Yao Komlanvi, Dahuku Péré and Agbéyomé Kodjo. 55/
One by one, the ministers will defend themselves with dignity, it must be recognized. The accusatory process was questionable. Komlanvi was the first to "describe" Mr. Occansey's allegations as extremely serious before adding that, as a Togolese citizen, 56/
he has the duty to contribute to the success of this Conference... He (makes) remarks (to) Mgr Kpodzro who did not consult him before asking for his assistance in preventing the troubles" 57/
Dahuku Péré will demand proof with this remarkable intervention: 58/
But the image that will remain the most memorable is that of Agbeyomé Kodjo, 37, Minister of Youth, Sports and Culture, who bursts into tears during a final attempt at explanation. 59/
This episode still gives him the nickname "Aviyomé" ("avi" - tears in Mina) 60/
After the interruption of the session requested by Mgr Kpodzro, the incident will end with a statement from the 17 parties present read by Zarifou Ayéva 61/