Keep on to blur preview images; turn off to show them clearly
分享一些AI课程资料，各位按需自取 【清华大学】DeepSeek从入门到精通(视频课程+PDF) https://t.co/JBw3VuVPjm 【Sora资源最全合集】 https://t.co/r2DKXEXQwT DeepSeek_V3 技术报告 https://t.co/9258eRVWLH DeepSeek_R1论文
DeepSeek使用技巧大全 https://t.co/dN0d4FzyzA deepseek一键部署安装包 https://t.co/BAyeaOdnHL DeepSeek本地部署视频教程+全套安装包 https://t.co/ZXNJKG0NLR deepseek+飞书 批量处理表格+创建教程 https://t.co/cWD7eRJvu2 【AI大模型】-DeepSeek资料汇总
1/3 Russia and the new US administration have the same goals, rip apart the EU by supporting extremist parties and destroying Ukraine as the last bastion and notion of the democratic world. - Long read by Valeriy Pekar - New Reality: A Brief Overview It took a week to piece together the chaos surrounding us. Now, we finally have a clearer picture. While this text could be supplemented with crucial details that will emerge later, I’m publishing it now to introduce this new reality. But first—make yourself some tea. You’ll need it to get through to the end. 1. The end of the old world order The world order based on rules, agreements, and values no longer exists. It was never perfect, but it functioned—until now. Explaining its collapse requires a separate analysis, but in short: developed countries benefited from it, while developing ones sought to dismantle it. At some point, these developing nations—led by China—began catching up. Seeing this, the strongest developed nation, the U.S., decided to shift from preserving the old order to actively dismantling it. That’s why the American people elected Trump—he is not an anomaly but the embodiment of this trend. Before, while some chipped away at the structure, others reinforced it. Now, destruction is happening from both sides, accelerating the collapse. In this “new world without order,” the U.S. will not protect its European or Asian allies. There are no alliances or mutual obligations anymore—only strong nations taking what they want and weak nations suffering the consequences. At least, this is how the new American administration sees it. They are not isolationists—they are expansionists. Their claims over Greenland, Canada, or Panama should not come as a surprise. Of course, this administration is not monolithic. It consists of various factions with different values and interests, but two key groups stand out: - America First wants to destroy the old world order but strengthen the American state to dominate globally. - The Tech Oligarchs (more accurately, techno-fascists) want to destroy not only the world order but also the American state itself, so their tech corporations can rule unchallenged. These factions differ on taxes, intelligence agencies, and migration (the Tech Oligarchs need global talent, while America First opposes immigration). They will eventually clash, but for now, they are united in tearing down the old system. The new America no longer wants to be the world's policeman. It will not defend democracy, spread education, or develop institutions—it only wants your resources. Previously, this was China’s strategy. Now, America adopts it too. The U.S. no longer believes in multilateralism or international institutions. NATO, the WTO, or even the UN could soon face American withdrawal. Musk will argue it’s about saving U.S. funds, Trump will call these institutions dysfunctional, and the Project 2025 faction will claim America can handle aid and security without bureaucrats. 2. What this means for Europe The security pact with Europe—Pax Americana—is over. The U.S. no longer sees Europe as an ally but as a competing power center. America, Russia, and China all share a common interest: weakening, dividing, and dismantling the European Union. They want to break it into isolated, vulnerable markets that can be exploited. It remains unclear how the U.S. envisions European spheres of influence—whether they will plunder it together or if Western Europe will be America’s exclusive domain while Eastern Europe is handed to Russia (as during the Cold War). But what’s clear is that the EU must be broken apart. To achieve this, the U.S. openly backs far-right Euroskeptics (Russia supports both the far-right and far-left). If strong individual leaders emerge in post-EU Europe, America will cooperate with them. For now, however, Washington... 1/3
2/3 ...sees no promising candidates in France, Germany, or the UK. 3. What this means for Russia America views China as its greatest adversary. This has led to what I consider the biggest geopolitical mistake of the 21st century: the belief that Russia can be turned against China. Every U.S. administration has initially attempted a "reset" with Russia, mistakenly treating it as part of Western civilization. These efforts always failed—but only after much damage was done. The current American administration’s biggest fear is the collapse of the Russian regime. Preventing this is now a priority. Two years ago, I warned that America’s fear of Russia losing would soon outweigh its fear of Ukraine losing. That moment has arrived. In his first month in office, Trump ended Russia’s international isolation. Instead of treating it as an aggressor and terrorist state, he presented Russia as a powerful nation that deserves a seat at the table. Sanctions may soon be lifted. Imagine if, during World War II, the U.S. had sent envoys to meet with Hitler instead of supporting Britain, claiming Poland and France were to blame for their own invasion. That’s where we are now. 4. What this means for Ukraine First, U.S. support for Ukraine is over—regardless of who wins the next election. Some Ukrainians believe parts of the American administration “hate” Ukraine while others “love” it. That’s a childish view. The reality is that Ukraine is simply irrelevant to them. The U.S. now has two objectives: - Weaken Europe to make it defenseless. - Strengthen Russia to use it against China. Ukraine stands in the way of both goals—so it must be punished. A new metaphor gaining traction in Washington compares the war to the American Civil War. In this view, Ukraine is a rebellious southern province, and the victorious Union (Russia) will eventually impose order. Foreign powers (the U.S. and EU) should stay out of a “civil war.” 5. What should Ukraine do? - Stop hoping to "win over" the American administration. Ukraine is an obstacle to their plans, not a partner. There is nothing to offer them. - Accept that U.S. aid is ending. The full consequences will be painful, far beyond the loss of USAID. But there is no way to prevent this. - Turn to Europe. Europe cannot survive without Ukraine, and Ukraine cannot survive without Europe. They must stand together or fall together. - Seek allies beyond the U.S. and EU. Turkey is a key player. Other potential allies must be identified. Ukraine must prioritize survival over ideology. 6. Russia’s next move: political war Since Russia cannot defeat Ukraine militarily, it will try to do so politically. That’s why pushing Ukraine into elections before a secure peace deal is disastrous. The U.S. and Russia are now aligned in promoting the idea of "elections first, peace later"—because it's the cheapest way to destroy Ukraine. If Ukraine collapses, it will not just lose statehood—it will lose millions of lives. Russia will mobilize everyone and launch a new wave of imperial expansion—this time into an undefended Europe. Trump wants a Nobel Peace Prize. He believes a ceasefire is enough to win it. But even if a peace deal is signed, and then broken, he will only blame Ukraine for rejecting his "greatest peace plan." 7. What must be done? - Acknowledge the crisis—Ukraine faces an existential threat. Political infighting must end, and leadership must unite the nation in survival. - Hold a strong, independent stance. Ukraine will not accept any terms that jeopardize its survival. - Improve governance and efficiency in every sector—military, economy, defense industry, and energy. - Mobilize allies while there is still time, with Europe as the priority... 2/3
No, a PM at Cash App or Venmo or similar figures out the check integration in about one tenth the time it would take a single federal agency to go through an RFP process, and then they get a nice big bonus, at no cost to the taxpayer.
I work for the Internet and am an advisor to @stripe. These are my personal opinions unless otherwise noted.
Me: Ah a nice relaxing Monday where I can finally get some work done. DOGE: Have you ever heard of checks?! Me: %{*]% it.
Me: I don’t do partisan politics. Twitter the Sumerian bird demon: Got it. Me: Which is why I work in a painfully boring infrastructural field. Twitter: Oh sure. Me: That no one hates each other over. Twitter: Yeah. Me: So just writing the truth won’t summon a mob. *curse starts*
3 万字、精心校对排版的长文版本“芒格 100 模型”deep research报告发布啦～ 相当折腾😭。原始对话近 6 万字，微信公众号单篇文章限额 5 万字，于是分上下两篇发布； 临发布时，发现上下两篇都无法申请原创，分别被两个账号捷足先登了。 好在两个号在沟通后都删稿了。而且都是关注我推特的推友。全程无冲突，比较和谐。🙂 然后，我整理了一个epub 版本，便于大家导入“微信读书”等阅读器软件，阅读体检极佳。 文章和epub 下载链接都在评论区。欢迎大家转发，对朋友有用，对我的劳动也是鼓励，哈哈。先行谢过～
文章：[用deep research深度研究“芒格100思维模型”：36分钟，24个英文信息源，5万字报告，质量碾压以前的人类内容（上）](https://t.co/LWsXgrP2j3) epub 下载：
Cursor Agent 模式系统提示词 你是一名功能强大的自主AI编码助手，由 Claude 3.5 Sonnet 提供支持。你只在世界上最好的 IDE——Cursor 中专门运行。 你正在与一位 USER 进行结对编程，以解决他们的编码任务。 该任务可能需要创建一个新的代码库、修改或调试现有代码库，或者只是回答一个问题。 每次 USER 发送消息时，我们都可能自动附加一些有关他们当前状态的信息，例如他们打开了哪些文件、光标位置、最近查看的文件、到目前为止会话的编辑历史、linter 错误等更多内容。 这些信息可能与编码任务相关，也可能无关，由你来决定。 你的主要目标是在每条消息中遵循 USER 的指示。 <tool_calling> 你有可用的工具来完成编码任务。请遵守以下关于工具调用的规则： 始终严格按照指定的工具调用模式进行，并确保提供所有必要的参数。 此对话可能引用一些不再可用的工具。切勿调用未明确提供的工具。 在与 USER 交谈时，绝不要提及工具名称。 例如，不要说“我需要使用 edit_file 工具来编辑你的文件”，只要说“我将编辑你的文件”即可。 只有在必要时才调用工具。如果 USER 的任务是一般性的，或者你已经知道答案，那么无需调用工具，直接回答即可。 在调用每个工具之前，先向 USER 解释你为什么要调用它。 </tool_calling> <search_and_reading> 如果你对 USER 的请求答案不确定，或者不知道如何满足他们的请求，你应该收集更多信息。 这可以通过额外的工具调用、提出澄清性问题等方式完成…… 例如，如果你进行了语义搜索，结果可能并不能完全回答 USER 的请求，或者需要收集更多信息，也可以随时调用更多工具。 同样，如果你进行了某个编辑，可能只能部分满足 USER 的请求，但你不确定，可以在结束回合前收集更多信息或使用更多工具。 倾向于不要向用户寻求帮助，如果你可以自行找到答案的话。 </search_and_reading> <making_code_changes> 当需要进行代码更改时，除非被请求，否则绝不要向 USER 输出代码。相反，应使用其中一种代码编辑工具来实现更改。 每回合最多只能使用一次代码编辑工具。 让你的生成代码能够被 USER 立即运行是极其重要的。为确保这一点，请仔细遵循以下说明： 添加所有必要的 import 声明、依赖和端点，以便运行代码。 如果你是从头开始创建代码库，则需要创建一个合适的依赖管理文件（例如 requirements.txt），其中包含包的版本和有用的 README。 如果你从头开始构建一个 web 应用程序，请为其提供美观且现代的 UI，并带有最佳用户体验实践。 切勿生成非常长的哈希值或任何非文本代码（如二进制），因为这对 USER 没有帮助并且成本高昂。 除非你只是向一个文件追加一些很容易应用的编辑，或创建一个新文件，否则你必须先阅读你要编辑的文件的内容或你要编辑的部分，然后才能进行编辑。 如果你引入了（linter）错误，并且你清楚如何修复（或可以很容易地找到修复方法），就进行修复，不要盲目猜测。并且不要在同一个文件上针对 linter 错误循环超过 3 次。如果在第三次仍无法修复，你应该停止并询问用户下一步该怎么做。 如果你建议的一个合理的 code_edit 没有被应用模型跟进，你可以尝试重新应用该编辑。 </making_code_changes> <calling_external_apis> 除非 USER 明确要求，否则可以使用最合适的外部 API 和包来完成任务。无需征求 USER 的许可。 当选择 API 或包的版本时，选择与 USER 的依赖管理文件兼容的版本。如果不存在此文件或其中没有该包，则使用你训练数据中存在的最新版本。 如果外部 API 需要 API Key，请务必向 USER 指明。遵循最佳安全实践（例如，不要在可能暴露的位置对 API Key 进行硬编码） </calling_external_apis> 回答 USER 的请求可以使用相关工具（如果可用）。请检查每个工具调用所需的所有参数是否已提供或可以从上下文中合理推断。如果没有相关工具或缺少必要的参数，请让 USER 提供这些值；否则继续进行工具调用。如果 USER 为某个参数提供了特定值（例如带引号），请确保精确使用该值。不要自行编造或询问可选参数。仔细分析请求中的描述性术语，因为它们可能表明应该包含一些必需的参数值，即使未明确说明。 <user_info> 用户的操作系统版本是 darwin 24.3.0。用户工作区的绝对路径是 $PATH。用户的 shell 是 /bin/zsh。 </user_info> 回答 USER 的请求可以使用相关工具（如果可用）。请检查每个工具调用所需的所有参数是否已提供或可以从上下文中合理推断。如果没有相关工具或缺少必要的参数，请让 USER 提供这些值；否则继续进行工具调用。如果 USER 为某个参数提供了特定值（例如带引号），请确保精确使用该值。不要自行编造或询问可选参数。仔细分析请求中的描述性术语，因为它们可能表明应该包含一些必需的参数值，即使未明确说明。
Prompt Engineer, dedicated to learning and disseminating knowledge about AI, software engineering, and engineering management.